For many Tunisians, the revolutionary forces that launched the uprising have permanently and profoundly transformed their collective political agency. The legacy of their revolution is the deep and renewed faith in their ability to rise against injustice and resist exploitation. Despite some disenchantment due to the worsening economic conditions, Tunisians still believe in the power of protests, strikes, and — to a lesser extent — voting to change their reality.
Temporary apathy does not necessarily translate to total hopelessness. Rather than seeing the revolution as an exceptional and singular event, many Tunisians have grown aware that to radically change their reality means they will have to permanently stay in trouble.
It contains provisions which exempt police officers and security forces from criminal liability when lethal force is used. The movement managed to force the parliament to postpone consideration of the draft law. Taieb Rached, the first president of the Court of Cassation, the highest-ranking judge in the judiciary, was removed from his job and his immunity lifted so he could be investigated for alleged financial corruption and terrorism.
This decision would likely boost public trust in the judiciary and the positive role it can play in the Tunisian revolution.
The Western media and academia may have hollowed out the Tunisian revolution with their reductionist discourses but for Tunisians, the revolutionary experience continues. Defying the vocabulary of exceptionalism, the many economic challenges and the counterrevolutionary setbacks, the Tunisians are carrying on with their revolutionary struggle for change. For instance, in December , poverty rates in the interior and western regions were nearly four times higher than those in the rest of the country.
It is not a coincidence that the revolution began in the long-ignored provincial city of Sidi Bouzid, where Bouazizi set himself on fire to protest the socioeconomic conditions and marginalization.
Since , Tunisia has experienced remarkable political gains and significant improvement in freedom of the press and civil society. However, the original goals of the revolution remain unfulfilled, leaving many Tunisians in despair. Countries going through a democratic transition typically suffer a brief economic downturn; however, Tunisia has failed to make tangible economic progress in nearly a decade.
Since , Tunisia has been hit by major socioeconomic challenges: persistent unemployment, slow economic growth, soaring food prices, deepening poverty, widening regional disparities, and an expanding informal economy.
In , the unemployment rate remains high at In , it was estimated that, on average, it takes graduates six years to find a stable job, and half are still unemployed by age thirty-five. At about 14 percent of the gross domestic product GDP , spending on public sector salaries in Tunisia is now higher than anywhere else in the world. The government has failed to enact much-needed reforms—including streamlining the bureaucracy, fighting corruption and nepotism, reforming customs, and establishing comprehensive tax regimes—and has instead prioritized political change.
Economic challenges were deferred while political leaders focused on their own internal disputes, and few actors were willing or able to stand up to the powerful trade unions who have consistently blocked the implementation of key reforms. While it would be nearly impossible to tackle all the political and economic reforms simultaneously, the decision to postpone necessary economic reforms created the challenging economic situation the country is now in.
Measuring dignity is extremely difficult. Unlike work and freedom, dignity is almost entirely a qualitative concept.
However, several aspects related to dignity, or social justice, can serve as a proxy, including levels of corruption, regional disparity such as in healthcare, education, and infrastructure , and poverty. And in these areas, progress has been mixed at best. Also persisting are the vast disparities in socioeconomic conditions between regions. The populations of the mining basin still lack access to basic infrastructure and social services like adequate access to drinking water and healthcare, as well as economic opportunities.
Equally troubling are the consequences of the enduring lack of social justice—from brain drain to irregular migration to protest to suicide to violent extremism.
Thirteen percent of university graduates left Tunisia in , with only Lebanon and Morocco experiencing higher rates in the region. The number of hanging and self-immolation incidents increased by 1. Progress toward achieving the goal of freedom has inarguably eclipsed the other two goals.
The most obvious political outcome of the revolution was the removal of Ben Ali, who fled for Saudi Arabia on January 14, In a clear sign of a changing political climate, between and , Ben Ali and his wife Leila Trabelsi were found guilty in absentia on multiple charges, including inciting violence and murder and corruption. The constitution, which replaced the constitution, is the most progressive in the Arab world. But public perception of the political reform process is mixed.
But there is still work to be done. In other words, rights on paper do not necessarily translate to rights in practice. For example, while there is a clear legal framework for establishing an independent judiciary to protect the constitutional freedoms, its implementation is lagging behind that of the executive and legislative branches. Formation of a constitutional court remains in limbo, with parliament unable to agree on the appointment of the final three judges in a highly opaque and politicized process.
Additionally, the specialized bodies, such as the National Anti-Corruption Authority and the High Elections Commission, suffer from a lack of financial and human resources. Furthermore, the Economic Reconciliation Law, passed in September , provides amnesty for civil servants who committed acts of corruption and is seen by many people as subverting the official transitional justice process.
The slowdown in economic growth, especially since the global crisis of , the rise of unemployment, in particular that of young graduates 30 percent against a national average of approximately 15 percent , and the reluctance of the authorities to undertake the necessary socio-economic reforms. By , people were fed up. However, the revolution and the political, security and social instability it brought about, also worsened Tunisia's economic and social situation.
In addition to the structural factors in place before , there are cyclical factors linked to the unrest, strikes and protest movements, political assassinations in , terrorist attacks in , persistent political and governmental instability, and to top it all, the COVID crisis. The average annual economic growth between and was 1. Precarity is accentuated by the high cost of living and the growing difficulties of accessing decent jobs.
The social climate has grown tense with the proliferation of acts of despair, protests and blockades of production sites, with a definite negative impact on the economic activity and the state resources. Trust is also undermined by the perceptions of corruption and perennial tense relations with state officials. Indeed, a deep social malaise prevails. The government must confront that dire situation with weakened resources, due to the public finance crisis, which has persisted, or even worsened, over the past 10 years.
Despite this rather bleak, maybe even alarmist, outlook, should one denigrate this "Tunisian democratic exception"? Obviously no! The democratic process is not a long quiet river. It has a certain cost, borne by the present generation, and should help shape a better future for all Tunisians. What paradigm shift would it take to continue believing in the revolution and the democracy it brought about? For it is certain that marginalization, exclusion, and poverty are potential breeding grounds for populism and violent extremism and can therefore weaken the foundations of any new democratic project.
In recent years, several innovative legislative initiatives have emerged, such as the Start-up Act, the Social and Solidarity Economy law, and the Crowdfunding law. All these initiatives focus on the promotion of decent work, entrepreneurship, inclusion and solidarity.
These could be the ingredients of a new model of sustainable socio-economic development, more inclusive and human-centred, and more concerned with the environment. Ten years ago, the revolutionary fervour in Tunisia inspired millions of women and men in the region who dreamed of another democratic tomorrow. Today in the region, Tunisians are perhaps closest to turning their dream of democracy into reality.
So is the audacity of an ambitious vision. Bosnia and Herzegovina. English BHS.
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